A team of archaeologists has unearthed ancient artifacts from the Bronze Age and the Iron Age in Myanmar.
Found in Thazi township in the central Mandalay division by the Archaeological, Natural Museum and Libraries Department under the Ministry of Culture, the artifacts provide an evidence of transition from Bronze culture to Iron culture in Myanmar.
Foreign archaeologists once considered that in the early history, Myanmar was transferred from Stone Age into the Iron Age without flourishing of Bronze culture.
According to state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar, the thesis was proved wrong when many artifacts were excavated in such regions as Nyaungkan, Myin-U Hle, Hnawkan and Kukkokha that provided evidences of bronze culture in the country, and that was supported by the artifacts found in Kanthitgon village.
Archaeological research was carried out in eight different places simultaneously and among the ancient objects found in Kanthitgon village were nine complete bodies along with some incomplete sets of bodies of all ages, child, middle age and old age.
The bodies were buried together with bronze and iron weapons.
The artifacts of the Bronze Age found in the village also included bronze arrow heads, spears, wire bundles, cups, floral works, stone beads, bone beads, different sizes of pots and plates and iron spears.
Monday, 18 August 2008
20 Years since 1988 – Japanese Policy Betrays the Burmese People
20 Years since 1988 – Japanese Policy Betrays the Burmese People
By Benedict Rogers
Twenty years ago on August 8, 1988, thousands of Burmese pro-democracy demonstrators were slaughtered by their country’s military regime in a massacre known as “8888”. Since then, Burma ’s illegal junta has intensified its grip on power, and continued its crimes against humanity. In doing so, it has been assisted by the Japanese government. August 8, 2008 was also the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games in Beijing . China has been the major ally of Burma ’s military regime, providing arms, investment and diplomatic cover. As Japanese people tune in to watch the Games, they should ponder the question: is it not time their government reconsidered its policy toward the Burmese regime, and put pressure on China to stop protecting these thugs?
Since 1988 Burma ’s political and humanitarian crisis has only got worse. Over 2,000 political prisoners are in jail, subjected to daily torture. Burma ’s democracy leader, Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, remains under house arrest. The Burmese army has the highest proportion of forcibly conscripted child soldiers in the world. Since 1996, over 3,200 villages in eastern Burma have been destroyed by the military in a campaign of ethnic cleansing that targets civilians. Rape is deployed as a weapon of war, forced labour is widespread and people are used as human minesweepers. Over a million people are internally displaced, on the run in the jungle without food, medicine or shelter. Millions more have fled across Burma ’s borders into exile.
In 1990, Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) overwhelmingly won elections, but has never been permitted to take up its rightful place in government. Instead, many elected representatives from the pro-democracy movement have been jailed or exiled. Last September, in a repeat of the massacre 20 years ago, Buddhist monks courageously led peaceful protests – and were once again gunned down. Japanese photo-journalist Kenji Nagai was among those killed.
Cyclone Nargis struck Burma in May this year and caused great destruction. Prior to the cyclone, the regime received over 40 warnings from Indian meteorologists, but failed to notify residents in the Irrawaddy Delta. As the scale of the devastation became clear, the international community rushed to offer assistance, but the regime had the audacity to refuse offers of international aid. It eventually relented, but imposed heavy restrictions. Since then the military rulers obstructed and diverted aid for their own purposes, and now stand accused of stealing millions of dollars from UN aid money through foreign exchange mechanisms. Over 2.5 million people are still homeless, a million people have received no help, and the death toll exceeds 130,000. In the face of such criminal negligence, Japan has said nothing.
Despite the devastation caused by the cyclone, the junta went ahead with its sham referendum on a new constitution, declaring a 99% turnout and claiming that 92.4% voted for the constitution. What did Japan do? Senior Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs, Hitoshi Kimura, said that the fact that Japanese embassy staff were able to observe the poll, albeit in just a few polling stations, “made it a good opportunity from the point of view of improvement of transparency.”
It is difficult to imagine a more absurd position. The referendum law made it illegal to campaign against the constitution or even criticize it. Opponents were subject to a jail sentence of at least three years. Moreover, Buddhist monks and nuns, numbering 500,000, were denied the vote, as were religious leaders from other faiths. Millions in the conflict areas, 700,000 Muslim Rohingyas, and millions of refugees in exile were excluded. Further, the junta rejected international monitors. There are widespread reports of vote rigging, harassment, intimidation and bribery. Most people who voted yes did so not out of belief but from fear. Ballot papers were easily identifiable – so the regime could scrutinise how people had voted, and punish those who voted no. In some areas, the army and local officials cast votes on behalf of people. To hold a referendum days after a cyclone was not just callous, it was a blatant sign that the junta had no intention of holding a free vote. Yet still, Japan stayed silent.
An official in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) told me earlier this year that Japan ’s priority is to preserve its relations with the junta in Burma . Such a policy is not sustainable. Japan ’s policy on Burma is not just a betrayal of the Burmese people, but of the liberal democratic values on which modern Japan is built.
It is time for Japan to turn up the heat on the junta and end its deafening silence. The constitution, which enshrines military rule and lacks legitimacy, should be rejected. Japan should support efforts through the UN to impose meaningful benchmarks for progress in democratic reform and a universal arms embargo. In addition, with Tokyo being Asia’s financial center, Japan should consider introducing financial sanctions targeting the assets and transactions of the generals. Japan could also support bringing a case to the International Criminal Court, charging the generals with crimes against humanity. The Japanese people must urge their government to awaken its moral senses.
Benedict Rogers is a writer and human rights activist and has made over 20 visits to Burma and its borderlands. He works for the human rights organization Christian Solidarity Worldwide, and is Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party Human Rights Commission in the UK . He is the author of A Land Without Evil: Stopping the Genocide of Burma’s Karen People (2004, Monarch Books) and a new report recently launched in Japanese, Carrying the Cross: The military regime’s campaign of restriction, discrimination and persecution against Christians in Burma .
By Benedict Rogers
Twenty years ago on August 8, 1988, thousands of Burmese pro-democracy demonstrators were slaughtered by their country’s military regime in a massacre known as “8888”. Since then, Burma ’s illegal junta has intensified its grip on power, and continued its crimes against humanity. In doing so, it has been assisted by the Japanese government. August 8, 2008 was also the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games in Beijing . China has been the major ally of Burma ’s military regime, providing arms, investment and diplomatic cover. As Japanese people tune in to watch the Games, they should ponder the question: is it not time their government reconsidered its policy toward the Burmese regime, and put pressure on China to stop protecting these thugs?
Since 1988 Burma ’s political and humanitarian crisis has only got worse. Over 2,000 political prisoners are in jail, subjected to daily torture. Burma ’s democracy leader, Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, remains under house arrest. The Burmese army has the highest proportion of forcibly conscripted child soldiers in the world. Since 1996, over 3,200 villages in eastern Burma have been destroyed by the military in a campaign of ethnic cleansing that targets civilians. Rape is deployed as a weapon of war, forced labour is widespread and people are used as human minesweepers. Over a million people are internally displaced, on the run in the jungle without food, medicine or shelter. Millions more have fled across Burma ’s borders into exile.
In 1990, Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) overwhelmingly won elections, but has never been permitted to take up its rightful place in government. Instead, many elected representatives from the pro-democracy movement have been jailed or exiled. Last September, in a repeat of the massacre 20 years ago, Buddhist monks courageously led peaceful protests – and were once again gunned down. Japanese photo-journalist Kenji Nagai was among those killed.
Cyclone Nargis struck Burma in May this year and caused great destruction. Prior to the cyclone, the regime received over 40 warnings from Indian meteorologists, but failed to notify residents in the Irrawaddy Delta. As the scale of the devastation became clear, the international community rushed to offer assistance, but the regime had the audacity to refuse offers of international aid. It eventually relented, but imposed heavy restrictions. Since then the military rulers obstructed and diverted aid for their own purposes, and now stand accused of stealing millions of dollars from UN aid money through foreign exchange mechanisms. Over 2.5 million people are still homeless, a million people have received no help, and the death toll exceeds 130,000. In the face of such criminal negligence, Japan has said nothing.
Despite the devastation caused by the cyclone, the junta went ahead with its sham referendum on a new constitution, declaring a 99% turnout and claiming that 92.4% voted for the constitution. What did Japan do? Senior Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs, Hitoshi Kimura, said that the fact that Japanese embassy staff were able to observe the poll, albeit in just a few polling stations, “made it a good opportunity from the point of view of improvement of transparency.”
It is difficult to imagine a more absurd position. The referendum law made it illegal to campaign against the constitution or even criticize it. Opponents were subject to a jail sentence of at least three years. Moreover, Buddhist monks and nuns, numbering 500,000, were denied the vote, as were religious leaders from other faiths. Millions in the conflict areas, 700,000 Muslim Rohingyas, and millions of refugees in exile were excluded. Further, the junta rejected international monitors. There are widespread reports of vote rigging, harassment, intimidation and bribery. Most people who voted yes did so not out of belief but from fear. Ballot papers were easily identifiable – so the regime could scrutinise how people had voted, and punish those who voted no. In some areas, the army and local officials cast votes on behalf of people. To hold a referendum days after a cyclone was not just callous, it was a blatant sign that the junta had no intention of holding a free vote. Yet still, Japan stayed silent.
An official in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) told me earlier this year that Japan ’s priority is to preserve its relations with the junta in Burma . Such a policy is not sustainable. Japan ’s policy on Burma is not just a betrayal of the Burmese people, but of the liberal democratic values on which modern Japan is built.
It is time for Japan to turn up the heat on the junta and end its deafening silence. The constitution, which enshrines military rule and lacks legitimacy, should be rejected. Japan should support efforts through the UN to impose meaningful benchmarks for progress in democratic reform and a universal arms embargo. In addition, with Tokyo being Asia’s financial center, Japan should consider introducing financial sanctions targeting the assets and transactions of the generals. Japan could also support bringing a case to the International Criminal Court, charging the generals with crimes against humanity. The Japanese people must urge their government to awaken its moral senses.
Benedict Rogers is a writer and human rights activist and has made over 20 visits to Burma and its borderlands. He works for the human rights organization Christian Solidarity Worldwide, and is Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party Human Rights Commission in the UK . He is the author of A Land Without Evil: Stopping the Genocide of Burma’s Karen People (2004, Monarch Books) and a new report recently launched in Japanese, Carrying the Cross: The military regime’s campaign of restriction, discrimination and persecution against Christians in Burma .
Tuesday, 12 August 2008
Two NLD representatives arrested
Two 1990 elected members of parliament from the National League for Democracy were arrested at their houses in the early hours of this morning, according to NLD spokesperson U Nyan Win.
Nyan Win said the two were taken in by special branch police at around 2am.
"Two of our MPs, U Nyi Pu and Dr Tin Min Htut, were arrested from the houses where they were staying in Rangoon by the special police at around 2am last night," said U Nyan Win.
U Nyi Pu is people's parliament representative in Gwa township in Arakan state while Dr Tin Min Htut is an elected representative in Irrawaddy division's Pantanaw township.
Both men were among the signatories of a letter sent to United Nations secretary-general Ban Ki-moon at the end of July, in which they declared their opposition to the 2010 elections and expressed concern about the UN stance on Burma.
The letter was signed by five 1990 elected representatives and questioned the UN’s change from its original aim of bringing about national dialogue to its current urging of all groups to join the government’s road map to democracy.
Nyan Win said the two were taken in by special branch police at around 2am.
"Two of our MPs, U Nyi Pu and Dr Tin Min Htut, were arrested from the houses where they were staying in Rangoon by the special police at around 2am last night," said U Nyan Win.
U Nyi Pu is people's parliament representative in Gwa township in Arakan state while Dr Tin Min Htut is an elected representative in Irrawaddy division's Pantanaw township.
Both men were among the signatories of a letter sent to United Nations secretary-general Ban Ki-moon at the end of July, in which they declared their opposition to the 2010 elections and expressed concern about the UN stance on Burma.
The letter was signed by five 1990 elected representatives and questioned the UN’s change from its original aim of bringing about national dialogue to its current urging of all groups to join the government’s road map to democracy.
Monday, 11 August 2008
Rights activist U Myint Aye arrested
U Myint Aye, a prominent member of the Human Rights Defenders and Promoters network, was arrested at his house in Kyi Myint Taing township on 8 August, according to his family.
U Myint Aye's wife Ma Leh Leh said township police chief U Myat Linn and divisional investigation police deputy chief U Kyaw Htin, accompanied by ward authorities, arrived at the house at around 4pm on Friday, the 20th anniversary of the 1988 national uprising in Burma.
U Myint Aye's wife Ma Leh Leh said township police chief U Myat Linn and divisional investigation police deputy chief U Kyaw Htin, accompanied by ward authorities, arrived at the house at around 4pm on Friday, the 20th anniversary of the 1988 national uprising in Burma.
Authorities arrest rights activist and ABFSU members
Three All Burma Federation of Student Union members and a member of the Human Rights Defenders and Promoters network have been arrested by Burmese government officials.
At least three ABFSU members, including one of the group's leaders Ko Than Naing, who had been in hiding from government arrest, were arrested by authorities last night, according to a member of the group.
HRDP member U Myo Myint from Kyi Myint Taing township was arrested in the early hours of 7 August at his home, U Myint Aye of HRDP told DVB.
“He lives in a village across the river from the main Kyi Myint Taing township in Rangoon and he was arrested at his house at 1am,” Myint Aye said.
“He was taken from his home by the authorities who also seized his camera and three CDs. We still don’t know where he is being held and his family hasn’t heard anything about him either,” he said.
“Our group’s work is nothing provocative; if [the authorities say] something has happened then I can find a way to explain it.”
Myint Aye said that another HRDP member, Ko Tin Maung Oo from Bahan township, who is being held in Insein prison, has still not been allowed a family visit since his arrest in June.
“Ko Tin Maung Oo, a Bahan township resident, was arrested by authorities on 11 June 2008 and his family has only been able to send him food but not to visit him,” Myint Aye said.
Myint Aye added that none of his belongings that he was carrying at the time of his arrest, which included a wristwatch, necklace, three rings, a mobile phone and a camera, had been returned to his family.
At least three ABFSU members, including one of the group's leaders Ko Than Naing, who had been in hiding from government arrest, were arrested by authorities last night, according to a member of the group.
HRDP member U Myo Myint from Kyi Myint Taing township was arrested in the early hours of 7 August at his home, U Myint Aye of HRDP told DVB.
“He lives in a village across the river from the main Kyi Myint Taing township in Rangoon and he was arrested at his house at 1am,” Myint Aye said.
“He was taken from his home by the authorities who also seized his camera and three CDs. We still don’t know where he is being held and his family hasn’t heard anything about him either,” he said.
“Our group’s work is nothing provocative; if [the authorities say] something has happened then I can find a way to explain it.”
Myint Aye said that another HRDP member, Ko Tin Maung Oo from Bahan township, who is being held in Insein prison, has still not been allowed a family visit since his arrest in June.
“Ko Tin Maung Oo, a Bahan township resident, was arrested by authorities on 11 June 2008 and his family has only been able to send him food but not to visit him,” Myint Aye said.
Myint Aye added that none of his belongings that he was carrying at the time of his arrest, which included a wristwatch, necklace, three rings, a mobile phone and a camera, had been returned to his family.
Security forces target Sittwe monasteries
Government authorities beefed up security in Sittwe in Arakan state on Saturday after rumours emerged that monks were planning to stage a protest, according to a local resident.
Troops were deployed around the town and some went into monastery compounds to search the premises, the resident said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
It is not yet known which monasteries were targeted, but soldiers were seen in the town until 9pm on Saturday.
Troops were deployed around the town and some went into monastery compounds to search the premises, the resident said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
It is not yet known which monasteries were targeted, but soldiers were seen in the town until 9pm on Saturday.
Saturday, 9 August 2008
Monday, 4 August 2008
UN Human Rights Rapporteur started tour in Rangoon
Burma Tomas Ojea Quintana has met with senior monks and representatives of government-sponsored women organization in Rangoon.
On his first visit to the country, Mr Quintana is expected to visit Napyidaw, new capital of Burma, to meet with government officials and also planned to visit cyclone hit areas in the Irrawaddy delta.
It is still not very clear if he will be meeting with the leaders of the opposition party, the National League for Democracy.
Meanwhile the NLD party released a statement for the lack of opportunity for them to appeal the decision to extend house arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
On his first visit to the country, Mr Quintana is expected to visit Napyidaw, new capital of Burma, to meet with government officials and also planned to visit cyclone hit areas in the Irrawaddy delta.
It is still not very clear if he will be meeting with the leaders of the opposition party, the National League for Democracy.
Meanwhile the NLD party released a statement for the lack of opportunity for them to appeal the decision to extend house arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Saturday, 2 August 2008
ABFSU slams abuse of ten Muslim students
The All Burma Federation of Student Unions has criticised the treatment of ten Muslim student activists who have been sent to hard labour camps for their participation in demonstrations in September 2007.
The ten activists were sentenced to two years’ imprisonment by Kyauktada township court this month and sent to remote prison camps in shackles, the organisation said.
In a statement released on 28 July, ABFSU called on the Burmese regime to respect the rights of students and prison inmates, and urged student and human rights groups and the international community to lobby for their protection.
ABFSU spokesperson Myo Tayza said the harsh conditions in prison work camps, where inmates are subjected to hard labour, poor conditions and no proper medical care, had led to the deaths of many prisoners, including 19 monks.
“They throw various charges at us, then send us to these prison work camps, where there is nothing but physical and mental suffering, and there is little hope that anyone can recover from these things,” Myo Tayza said.
“They are not only giving us punishment under the law, they are also torturing us personally.”
ABFSU accused the junta of deliberately causing mental and physical harm to its opponents and seeking to lower the morale of democracy and human rights activists.
“They are committing these abuses on to make an example of the students to discourage future activists,” Myo Tayza said.
“This is an intentional and criminal act against these people.”
The ten activists were sentenced to two years’ imprisonment by Kyauktada township court this month and sent to remote prison camps in shackles, the organisation said.
In a statement released on 28 July, ABFSU called on the Burmese regime to respect the rights of students and prison inmates, and urged student and human rights groups and the international community to lobby for their protection.
ABFSU spokesperson Myo Tayza said the harsh conditions in prison work camps, where inmates are subjected to hard labour, poor conditions and no proper medical care, had led to the deaths of many prisoners, including 19 monks.
“They throw various charges at us, then send us to these prison work camps, where there is nothing but physical and mental suffering, and there is little hope that anyone can recover from these things,” Myo Tayza said.
“They are not only giving us punishment under the law, they are also torturing us personally.”
ABFSU accused the junta of deliberately causing mental and physical harm to its opponents and seeking to lower the morale of democracy and human rights activists.
“They are committing these abuses on to make an example of the students to discourage future activists,” Myo Tayza said.
“This is an intentional and criminal act against these people.”
Zarganar and Zaw Thet Htway appear in court
Prominent comedian and activist Zarganar and sports writer Zaw Thet Htway have appeared in court for the first time since they were arrested in June.
The two appeared before Western Rangoon provincial court in Insein prison and were charged with violating section 505(b) of the penal code for inciting offences against the state or causing public alarm.
The charge carries a maximum penalty of two years’ imprisonment.
The next court hearing for the pair will be held on 7 August, according to family members of other political prisoners who were present at the hearing.
The two men’s families said they had not been informed of any court hearings.
Both Zarganar and Zaw Thet Htway were enthusiastically working to provide aid to cyclone victims before their arrests on 4 and 13 June respectively.
The two appeared before Western Rangoon provincial court in Insein prison and were charged with violating section 505(b) of the penal code for inciting offences against the state or causing public alarm.
The charge carries a maximum penalty of two years’ imprisonment.
The next court hearing for the pair will be held on 7 August, according to family members of other political prisoners who were present at the hearing.
The two men’s families said they had not been informed of any court hearings.
Both Zarganar and Zaw Thet Htway were enthusiastically working to provide aid to cyclone victims before their arrests on 4 and 13 June respectively.
US sanctions target gem industry
The United States government has strengthened sanctions against the Burmese regime, particularly targeting the gem-mining industry, a valuable source of income for the junta.
The US Treasury announced on Wednesday it was designating a further ten companies controlled by the Burmese government and its officials, including those involved in the gem-mining industry.
President Bush also signed the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act on the same day extending sanctions against Burmese regime leaders, their families, and those providing financial or political support to the regime, including the gem industry.
Adam J. Szubin of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control said the measures were intended to further clamp down on the junta’s revenues.
“We are tightening financial sanctions against Burma’s repressive junta and the companies that finance it,” Szubin said.
“The regime’s refusal to protect and allow relief to reach the Burmese people as Cyclone Nargis devastated their country is but another example of the regime’s heartless neglect of its people.”
National League for Democracy information officer U Nyan Win said the US government’s continued strengthening of sanctions demonstrated the lack of political development in Burma.
"Firstly, I can see this is just the US continuing its existing sanctions on Burma, and this means there has been no progress achieved in Burma's political situation," Nyan Win said.
"Secondly, I would like to make it clear the NLD is not going to say whether renewing the sanctions on Burma should be encouraged or not – in fact this is a decision that can only be made by the relevant government," he said.
"We see sanctions as a way to push for changes. Some people are now saying the sanctions won't work but I think we should wait and see what the outcome will be."
Economist Khin Maung Nyo said that there had been little change in Burma so far as a result of the sanctions.
"It's all about politics – the real intention behind sanctions on a country is to push its government to change their habits,” Khin Maung Nyo said.
“But if you look at the situation, you can see the Burmese government has remained the same – without even any evidence to show that they were changing,” he said.
“But as for [the international community], these sanctions are what they usually do – they have no other choices and also this is the easiest action for them to take.”
Khin Maung Nyo was sceptical about how effective sanctions could be.
“They are only passing these sanctions to make themselves feel good, in a political way,” he said.
“It's easy to take this kind of action on a country like Burma but they couldn't do it to China."
The US Treasury announced on Wednesday it was designating a further ten companies controlled by the Burmese government and its officials, including those involved in the gem-mining industry.
President Bush also signed the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act on the same day extending sanctions against Burmese regime leaders, their families, and those providing financial or political support to the regime, including the gem industry.
Adam J. Szubin of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control said the measures were intended to further clamp down on the junta’s revenues.
“We are tightening financial sanctions against Burma’s repressive junta and the companies that finance it,” Szubin said.
“The regime’s refusal to protect and allow relief to reach the Burmese people as Cyclone Nargis devastated their country is but another example of the regime’s heartless neglect of its people.”
National League for Democracy information officer U Nyan Win said the US government’s continued strengthening of sanctions demonstrated the lack of political development in Burma.
"Firstly, I can see this is just the US continuing its existing sanctions on Burma, and this means there has been no progress achieved in Burma's political situation," Nyan Win said.
"Secondly, I would like to make it clear the NLD is not going to say whether renewing the sanctions on Burma should be encouraged or not – in fact this is a decision that can only be made by the relevant government," he said.
"We see sanctions as a way to push for changes. Some people are now saying the sanctions won't work but I think we should wait and see what the outcome will be."
Economist Khin Maung Nyo said that there had been little change in Burma so far as a result of the sanctions.
"It's all about politics – the real intention behind sanctions on a country is to push its government to change their habits,” Khin Maung Nyo said.
“But if you look at the situation, you can see the Burmese government has remained the same – without even any evidence to show that they were changing,” he said.
“But as for [the international community], these sanctions are what they usually do – they have no other choices and also this is the easiest action for them to take.”
Khin Maung Nyo was sceptical about how effective sanctions could be.
“They are only passing these sanctions to make themselves feel good, in a political way,” he said.
“It's easy to take this kind of action on a country like Burma but they couldn't do it to China."
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