U Kyi Win, lawyer for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, is waiting to hear if his request for permission to visit the detained National League for Democracy leader on Friday has been approved.
The NLD has recently expressed concern about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi after reports that she is refusing to accept food deliveries.
U Kyi Win has visited the pro-democracy leader twice this month to discuss her appeal against the military regime’s decision to extend her house arrest for another year.
Thursday, 28 August 2008
Five NLD members arrested for peaceful protest
t least five National League for Democracy members were arrested last night and taken to court today, the latest in a series of arrests of NLD members, according to party spokesperson U Nyan Win.
Hlaing Tharyar township NLD members U Tin Yu, U Kyaw San, U Soe Min and Daw Hla Hla Maw, and Kyimyintaing member U Yan Naing Tun were arrested at around midnight by the authorities and taken to Hlaing Tharyar township court today to face charges, U Nyan Win said.
A colleague of Yan Naing Tun confirmed the arrests.
“Last night, six people – the Hlaing Tharyar police commission and his team and members of Kyimyintaing special branch including Win Myint – came to arrest Ko Yan Naing Tun,” he said.
“They are being tried at Hlaing Tharyar court.”
Lawyer U Phoe Phyu said the five had been arrested for carrying out a peaceful demonstration.
“The reason [for their arrest] is that on 15 May they walked from Shwe Yin Aye bus stop to Nyaungdon road in a peaceful protest carrying banners reading ‘Free Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’,” he said.
The five are being tried alongside Ko Mee Thway, Ko Kyaw Soe Win, Ko Win Myint, Ko San Lwin, Ko Thant Myo and Ko Myo Kyaw Swe, who were arrested on 5 May for staging a demonstration demanding Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s release.
Phoe Phyu said the 11 people would all face the same charges.
“They are being charged under sections 143, 145, 152, 505 and 505(b) of the penal code for illegal assembly, resisting officials on duty, and disturbing the public order,” he said.
All 11 were taken to Insein jail after appearing in court, Phoe Phyu said.
According to the NLD’s Nyan Win, around 10 party members and activists have been arrested this month, including U Karkyinsi and his son on 14 August, seven visitors from Irrawaddy division to Rangoon including Ko Aung Kyaw and Ko Tin Aung on 7 August, and Dr Thet Lwin from Rangoon and another person on an unspecified date.
Nyan Win said the latest arrests were further evidence of the authorities’ campaign of harassment against the NLD.
“The NLD has been persecuted from the start, that is nothing out of the ordinary,” Nyan Win said.
“What is strange is that it has become more intense in recent days. They are speeding up the destruction of the NLD. That’s all we can think.”
Hlaing Tharyar township NLD members U Tin Yu, U Kyaw San, U Soe Min and Daw Hla Hla Maw, and Kyimyintaing member U Yan Naing Tun were arrested at around midnight by the authorities and taken to Hlaing Tharyar township court today to face charges, U Nyan Win said.
A colleague of Yan Naing Tun confirmed the arrests.
“Last night, six people – the Hlaing Tharyar police commission and his team and members of Kyimyintaing special branch including Win Myint – came to arrest Ko Yan Naing Tun,” he said.
“They are being tried at Hlaing Tharyar court.”
Lawyer U Phoe Phyu said the five had been arrested for carrying out a peaceful demonstration.
“The reason [for their arrest] is that on 15 May they walked from Shwe Yin Aye bus stop to Nyaungdon road in a peaceful protest carrying banners reading ‘Free Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’,” he said.
The five are being tried alongside Ko Mee Thway, Ko Kyaw Soe Win, Ko Win Myint, Ko San Lwin, Ko Thant Myo and Ko Myo Kyaw Swe, who were arrested on 5 May for staging a demonstration demanding Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s release.
Phoe Phyu said the 11 people would all face the same charges.
“They are being charged under sections 143, 145, 152, 505 and 505(b) of the penal code for illegal assembly, resisting officials on duty, and disturbing the public order,” he said.
All 11 were taken to Insein jail after appearing in court, Phoe Phyu said.
According to the NLD’s Nyan Win, around 10 party members and activists have been arrested this month, including U Karkyinsi and his son on 14 August, seven visitors from Irrawaddy division to Rangoon including Ko Aung Kyaw and Ko Tin Aung on 7 August, and Dr Thet Lwin from Rangoon and another person on an unspecified date.
Nyan Win said the latest arrests were further evidence of the authorities’ campaign of harassment against the NLD.
“The NLD has been persecuted from the start, that is nothing out of the ordinary,” Nyan Win said.
“What is strange is that it has become more intense in recent days. They are speeding up the destruction of the NLD. That’s all we can think.”
NLD member sentenced after exposing corruption
National League for Democracy member who has reported on government corruption cases in the past has been sentenced to 13 months’ imprisonment on charges of obstructing a government official.
Tontay NLD member Ma Sandar was sentenced under sections 353 and 294 of the penal code for obstructing a public servant and obscenity.
The charges were brought against her by Tontay township deputy police sergeant Soe Win Aung in February.
The incident took place when two people who bought car batteries from Ma Sandar were stopped and questioned by police and intelligence agents, who then went to Ma Sandar’s shop and got into an argument with her.
Ma Sandar’s husband U Zaw Myint Tun said he believed the charges against her were politically motivated because she had reported cases of official corruption to senior authorities in the past.
Her daughter Theint Theint Thu agreed, saying that her mother had never broken any laws, but was working on behalf of the people.
“She reported the local authorities’ corruption to senior officials to let general Than Shwe know about it and this was within the law,” she said.
Other township residents also said Ma Sandar had been treated unfairly, citing the example of a man who had attacked the township deputy police chief and had only been given a 1000 kyat fine.
Tontay NLD member Ma Sandar was sentenced under sections 353 and 294 of the penal code for obstructing a public servant and obscenity.
The charges were brought against her by Tontay township deputy police sergeant Soe Win Aung in February.
The incident took place when two people who bought car batteries from Ma Sandar were stopped and questioned by police and intelligence agents, who then went to Ma Sandar’s shop and got into an argument with her.
Ma Sandar’s husband U Zaw Myint Tun said he believed the charges against her were politically motivated because she had reported cases of official corruption to senior authorities in the past.
Her daughter Theint Theint Thu agreed, saying that her mother had never broken any laws, but was working on behalf of the people.
“She reported the local authorities’ corruption to senior officials to let general Than Shwe know about it and this was within the law,” she said.
Other township residents also said Ma Sandar had been treated unfairly, citing the example of a man who had attacked the township deputy police chief and had only been given a 1000 kyat fine.
Saturday, 23 August 2008
Should Daw Aung San Suu Kyi meet with Mr Gambari?
On Wednesday Mr Gambari was kept waiting for an hour at the government guest house where the scheduled meeting was supposed to take place.
He left the guest house when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi failed to appear according to the reports from Burma.
The UN envoy extended his five-day visit in an apparent effort to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
He left the guest house when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi failed to appear according to the reports from Burma.
The UN envoy extended his five-day visit in an apparent effort to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
ABFSU member’s parents jailed for 6 years

ABFSU member’s parents jailed for 6 years
The parents of one of the leaders of the All-Burmese Federation of Student Unions, Ko Sithu Maung, have been sentenced to six years’ imprisonment by Hlaing township court for obstructing police investigations.
U Peter and Daw Nu Nu Swe, who are both in their 50s, were found guilty of three charges, including harassing officers on duty and inciting a riot in their ward.
The couple was arrested in October last year after they delayed answering the door to police who came to their house looking for their son.
In their defence, U Peter and Daw Nu Nu Swe testified in court that the police had knocked on their door late at night with no warrant and had not been accompanied by local officials and so they had not let them in at first because they did not know who they were.
But the court found them to have acted illegally and handed down six-year prison terms to the couple.
Ko Sithu Maung was arrested on 9 October last year from a safehouse along with two other ABFSU leaders.
He is now in Insein prison awaiting trial.
U Myint Aye to be charged with misappropriating aid
Human rights activist U Myint Aye is to be charged with misappropriating relief funds despite the lack of evidence against him, according to a police officer who did not want to be named.
U Myint Aye, a prominent of the Human Rights Defenders and Promoters network, was arrested on 8 August on the orders of the interior ministry but authorities could not find any incriminating evidence against him, the police officer told DVB.
The interior ministry reportedly issued a directive instructing officials to charge U Myint Aye with misappropriating funds intended for victims of Cyclone Nargis.
At the time of U Myint Aye’s arrest, authorities also seized receipts for donations to cyclone victims and a list of donors and the interior ministry ordered officials to interrogate the donors, the police officer said.
U Myint Aye, a prominent of the Human Rights Defenders and Promoters network, was arrested on 8 August on the orders of the interior ministry but authorities could not find any incriminating evidence against him, the police officer told DVB.
The interior ministry reportedly issued a directive instructing officials to charge U Myint Aye with misappropriating funds intended for victims of Cyclone Nargis.
At the time of U Myint Aye’s arrest, authorities also seized receipts for donations to cyclone victims and a list of donors and the interior ministry ordered officials to interrogate the donors, the police officer said.
Monday, 18 August 2008
U.N. special envoy arrives in Myanmar, expected to meet with Suu Kyi+
The U.N. special adviser on Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, arrived in Yangon on Monday for a five-day visit to the military-ruled country in an effort to spur democratic change.
Gambari was welcomed upon arrival at the airport by Myanmar Deputy Foreign Minister Kyaw Thu and was scheduled to meet with Yangon-based diplomats later in the day.
This is Gambari's fourth visit to Myanmar since the junta's bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protests in September last year, which sparked a global outcry.
During his visit, the special envoy is expected to meet again with detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, as he was allowed to in his previous missions.
Suu Kyi has been detained for more than 12 of the past 18 years.
Gambari was initially expected to visit Myanmar in May but the trip was postponed after Cyclone Nargis caused widespread devastation in the country that month.
Gambari was welcomed upon arrival at the airport by Myanmar Deputy Foreign Minister Kyaw Thu and was scheduled to meet with Yangon-based diplomats later in the day.
This is Gambari's fourth visit to Myanmar since the junta's bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protests in September last year, which sparked a global outcry.
During his visit, the special envoy is expected to meet again with detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, as he was allowed to in his previous missions.
Suu Kyi has been detained for more than 12 of the past 18 years.
Gambari was initially expected to visit Myanmar in May but the trip was postponed after Cyclone Nargis caused widespread devastation in the country that month.
Monday 18th August, 2008
A team of archaeologists has unearthed ancient artifacts from the Bronze Age and the Iron Age in Myanmar.
Found in Thazi township in the central Mandalay division by the Archaeological, Natural Museum and Libraries Department under the Ministry of Culture, the artifacts provide an evidence of transition from Bronze culture to Iron culture in Myanmar.
Foreign archaeologists once considered that in the early history, Myanmar was transferred from Stone Age into the Iron Age without flourishing of Bronze culture.
According to state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar, the thesis was proved wrong when many artifacts were excavated in such regions as Nyaungkan, Myin-U Hle, Hnawkan and Kukkokha that provided evidences of bronze culture in the country, and that was supported by the artifacts found in Kanthitgon village.
Archaeological research was carried out in eight different places simultaneously and among the ancient objects found in Kanthitgon village were nine complete bodies along with some incomplete sets of bodies of all ages, child, middle age and old age.
The bodies were buried together with bronze and iron weapons.
The artifacts of the Bronze Age found in the village also included bronze arrow heads, spears, wire bundles, cups, floral works, stone beads, bone beads, different sizes of pots and plates and iron spears.
Found in Thazi township in the central Mandalay division by the Archaeological, Natural Museum and Libraries Department under the Ministry of Culture, the artifacts provide an evidence of transition from Bronze culture to Iron culture in Myanmar.
Foreign archaeologists once considered that in the early history, Myanmar was transferred from Stone Age into the Iron Age without flourishing of Bronze culture.
According to state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar, the thesis was proved wrong when many artifacts were excavated in such regions as Nyaungkan, Myin-U Hle, Hnawkan and Kukkokha that provided evidences of bronze culture in the country, and that was supported by the artifacts found in Kanthitgon village.
Archaeological research was carried out in eight different places simultaneously and among the ancient objects found in Kanthitgon village were nine complete bodies along with some incomplete sets of bodies of all ages, child, middle age and old age.
The bodies were buried together with bronze and iron weapons.
The artifacts of the Bronze Age found in the village also included bronze arrow heads, spears, wire bundles, cups, floral works, stone beads, bone beads, different sizes of pots and plates and iron spears.
20 Years since 1988 – Japanese Policy Betrays the Burmese People
20 Years since 1988 – Japanese Policy Betrays the Burmese People
By Benedict Rogers
Twenty years ago on August 8, 1988, thousands of Burmese pro-democracy demonstrators were slaughtered by their country’s military regime in a massacre known as “8888”. Since then, Burma ’s illegal junta has intensified its grip on power, and continued its crimes against humanity. In doing so, it has been assisted by the Japanese government. August 8, 2008 was also the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games in Beijing . China has been the major ally of Burma ’s military regime, providing arms, investment and diplomatic cover. As Japanese people tune in to watch the Games, they should ponder the question: is it not time their government reconsidered its policy toward the Burmese regime, and put pressure on China to stop protecting these thugs?
Since 1988 Burma ’s political and humanitarian crisis has only got worse. Over 2,000 political prisoners are in jail, subjected to daily torture. Burma ’s democracy leader, Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, remains under house arrest. The Burmese army has the highest proportion of forcibly conscripted child soldiers in the world. Since 1996, over 3,200 villages in eastern Burma have been destroyed by the military in a campaign of ethnic cleansing that targets civilians. Rape is deployed as a weapon of war, forced labour is widespread and people are used as human minesweepers. Over a million people are internally displaced, on the run in the jungle without food, medicine or shelter. Millions more have fled across Burma ’s borders into exile.
In 1990, Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) overwhelmingly won elections, but has never been permitted to take up its rightful place in government. Instead, many elected representatives from the pro-democracy movement have been jailed or exiled. Last September, in a repeat of the massacre 20 years ago, Buddhist monks courageously led peaceful protests – and were once again gunned down. Japanese photo-journalist Kenji Nagai was among those killed.
Cyclone Nargis struck Burma in May this year and caused great destruction. Prior to the cyclone, the regime received over 40 warnings from Indian meteorologists, but failed to notify residents in the Irrawaddy Delta. As the scale of the devastation became clear, the international community rushed to offer assistance, but the regime had the audacity to refuse offers of international aid. It eventually relented, but imposed heavy restrictions. Since then the military rulers obstructed and diverted aid for their own purposes, and now stand accused of stealing millions of dollars from UN aid money through foreign exchange mechanisms. Over 2.5 million people are still homeless, a million people have received no help, and the death toll exceeds 130,000. In the face of such criminal negligence, Japan has said nothing.
Despite the devastation caused by the cyclone, the junta went ahead with its sham referendum on a new constitution, declaring a 99% turnout and claiming that 92.4% voted for the constitution. What did Japan do? Senior Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs, Hitoshi Kimura, said that the fact that Japanese embassy staff were able to observe the poll, albeit in just a few polling stations, “made it a good opportunity from the point of view of improvement of transparency.”
It is difficult to imagine a more absurd position. The referendum law made it illegal to campaign against the constitution or even criticize it. Opponents were subject to a jail sentence of at least three years. Moreover, Buddhist monks and nuns, numbering 500,000, were denied the vote, as were religious leaders from other faiths. Millions in the conflict areas, 700,000 Muslim Rohingyas, and millions of refugees in exile were excluded. Further, the junta rejected international monitors. There are widespread reports of vote rigging, harassment, intimidation and bribery. Most people who voted yes did so not out of belief but from fear. Ballot papers were easily identifiable – so the regime could scrutinise how people had voted, and punish those who voted no. In some areas, the army and local officials cast votes on behalf of people. To hold a referendum days after a cyclone was not just callous, it was a blatant sign that the junta had no intention of holding a free vote. Yet still, Japan stayed silent.
An official in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) told me earlier this year that Japan ’s priority is to preserve its relations with the junta in Burma . Such a policy is not sustainable. Japan ’s policy on Burma is not just a betrayal of the Burmese people, but of the liberal democratic values on which modern Japan is built.
It is time for Japan to turn up the heat on the junta and end its deafening silence. The constitution, which enshrines military rule and lacks legitimacy, should be rejected. Japan should support efforts through the UN to impose meaningful benchmarks for progress in democratic reform and a universal arms embargo. In addition, with Tokyo being Asia’s financial center, Japan should consider introducing financial sanctions targeting the assets and transactions of the generals. Japan could also support bringing a case to the International Criminal Court, charging the generals with crimes against humanity. The Japanese people must urge their government to awaken its moral senses.
Benedict Rogers is a writer and human rights activist and has made over 20 visits to Burma and its borderlands. He works for the human rights organization Christian Solidarity Worldwide, and is Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party Human Rights Commission in the UK . He is the author of A Land Without Evil: Stopping the Genocide of Burma’s Karen People (2004, Monarch Books) and a new report recently launched in Japanese, Carrying the Cross: The military regime’s campaign of restriction, discrimination and persecution against Christians in Burma .
By Benedict Rogers
Twenty years ago on August 8, 1988, thousands of Burmese pro-democracy demonstrators were slaughtered by their country’s military regime in a massacre known as “8888”. Since then, Burma ’s illegal junta has intensified its grip on power, and continued its crimes against humanity. In doing so, it has been assisted by the Japanese government. August 8, 2008 was also the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games in Beijing . China has been the major ally of Burma ’s military regime, providing arms, investment and diplomatic cover. As Japanese people tune in to watch the Games, they should ponder the question: is it not time their government reconsidered its policy toward the Burmese regime, and put pressure on China to stop protecting these thugs?
Since 1988 Burma ’s political and humanitarian crisis has only got worse. Over 2,000 political prisoners are in jail, subjected to daily torture. Burma ’s democracy leader, Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, remains under house arrest. The Burmese army has the highest proportion of forcibly conscripted child soldiers in the world. Since 1996, over 3,200 villages in eastern Burma have been destroyed by the military in a campaign of ethnic cleansing that targets civilians. Rape is deployed as a weapon of war, forced labour is widespread and people are used as human minesweepers. Over a million people are internally displaced, on the run in the jungle without food, medicine or shelter. Millions more have fled across Burma ’s borders into exile.
In 1990, Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) overwhelmingly won elections, but has never been permitted to take up its rightful place in government. Instead, many elected representatives from the pro-democracy movement have been jailed or exiled. Last September, in a repeat of the massacre 20 years ago, Buddhist monks courageously led peaceful protests – and were once again gunned down. Japanese photo-journalist Kenji Nagai was among those killed.
Cyclone Nargis struck Burma in May this year and caused great destruction. Prior to the cyclone, the regime received over 40 warnings from Indian meteorologists, but failed to notify residents in the Irrawaddy Delta. As the scale of the devastation became clear, the international community rushed to offer assistance, but the regime had the audacity to refuse offers of international aid. It eventually relented, but imposed heavy restrictions. Since then the military rulers obstructed and diverted aid for their own purposes, and now stand accused of stealing millions of dollars from UN aid money through foreign exchange mechanisms. Over 2.5 million people are still homeless, a million people have received no help, and the death toll exceeds 130,000. In the face of such criminal negligence, Japan has said nothing.
Despite the devastation caused by the cyclone, the junta went ahead with its sham referendum on a new constitution, declaring a 99% turnout and claiming that 92.4% voted for the constitution. What did Japan do? Senior Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs, Hitoshi Kimura, said that the fact that Japanese embassy staff were able to observe the poll, albeit in just a few polling stations, “made it a good opportunity from the point of view of improvement of transparency.”
It is difficult to imagine a more absurd position. The referendum law made it illegal to campaign against the constitution or even criticize it. Opponents were subject to a jail sentence of at least three years. Moreover, Buddhist monks and nuns, numbering 500,000, were denied the vote, as were religious leaders from other faiths. Millions in the conflict areas, 700,000 Muslim Rohingyas, and millions of refugees in exile were excluded. Further, the junta rejected international monitors. There are widespread reports of vote rigging, harassment, intimidation and bribery. Most people who voted yes did so not out of belief but from fear. Ballot papers were easily identifiable – so the regime could scrutinise how people had voted, and punish those who voted no. In some areas, the army and local officials cast votes on behalf of people. To hold a referendum days after a cyclone was not just callous, it was a blatant sign that the junta had no intention of holding a free vote. Yet still, Japan stayed silent.
An official in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) told me earlier this year that Japan ’s priority is to preserve its relations with the junta in Burma . Such a policy is not sustainable. Japan ’s policy on Burma is not just a betrayal of the Burmese people, but of the liberal democratic values on which modern Japan is built.
It is time for Japan to turn up the heat on the junta and end its deafening silence. The constitution, which enshrines military rule and lacks legitimacy, should be rejected. Japan should support efforts through the UN to impose meaningful benchmarks for progress in democratic reform and a universal arms embargo. In addition, with Tokyo being Asia’s financial center, Japan should consider introducing financial sanctions targeting the assets and transactions of the generals. Japan could also support bringing a case to the International Criminal Court, charging the generals with crimes against humanity. The Japanese people must urge their government to awaken its moral senses.
Benedict Rogers is a writer and human rights activist and has made over 20 visits to Burma and its borderlands. He works for the human rights organization Christian Solidarity Worldwide, and is Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party Human Rights Commission in the UK . He is the author of A Land Without Evil: Stopping the Genocide of Burma’s Karen People (2004, Monarch Books) and a new report recently launched in Japanese, Carrying the Cross: The military regime’s campaign of restriction, discrimination and persecution against Christians in Burma .
Tuesday, 12 August 2008
Two NLD representatives arrested
Two 1990 elected members of parliament from the National League for Democracy were arrested at their houses in the early hours of this morning, according to NLD spokesperson U Nyan Win.
Nyan Win said the two were taken in by special branch police at around 2am.
"Two of our MPs, U Nyi Pu and Dr Tin Min Htut, were arrested from the houses where they were staying in Rangoon by the special police at around 2am last night," said U Nyan Win.
U Nyi Pu is people's parliament representative in Gwa township in Arakan state while Dr Tin Min Htut is an elected representative in Irrawaddy division's Pantanaw township.
Both men were among the signatories of a letter sent to United Nations secretary-general Ban Ki-moon at the end of July, in which they declared their opposition to the 2010 elections and expressed concern about the UN stance on Burma.
The letter was signed by five 1990 elected representatives and questioned the UN’s change from its original aim of bringing about national dialogue to its current urging of all groups to join the government’s road map to democracy.
Nyan Win said the two were taken in by special branch police at around 2am.
"Two of our MPs, U Nyi Pu and Dr Tin Min Htut, were arrested from the houses where they were staying in Rangoon by the special police at around 2am last night," said U Nyan Win.
U Nyi Pu is people's parliament representative in Gwa township in Arakan state while Dr Tin Min Htut is an elected representative in Irrawaddy division's Pantanaw township.
Both men were among the signatories of a letter sent to United Nations secretary-general Ban Ki-moon at the end of July, in which they declared their opposition to the 2010 elections and expressed concern about the UN stance on Burma.
The letter was signed by five 1990 elected representatives and questioned the UN’s change from its original aim of bringing about national dialogue to its current urging of all groups to join the government’s road map to democracy.
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